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发展中世界的奢侈代价ZT

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发表于 2008-7-16 20:17:52 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
Slum-dwellers in Dar es Salaam pay the equivalent of US$8 for 1,000 litres of water, bought over time and by the canister. In the same Tanzanian city, wealthier households connected to the municipal supply receive that amount for, roughly, just 34 US cents. In the United Kingdom, the same volume of tap water costs $1.62 and in the United States it is as low as 68 cents.

Figures from other countries confirm the evidence: it is generally the poorest who pay most for what is one of the most essential of all natural resources. Water is in short supply for a large proportion of the world’s people: about one billion lack access to clean water and 2.6 billion have no sanitation. An estimated 5,000 children die every day from water-related disease, according to WaterAid, a London-based charity.

If the number of people lacking safe drinking water were halved, at a cost of about $10 billion, the world would benefit by $38 billion in annual economic growth, according to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Disputes over water rights can, the UNDP argues, lead to conflicts – such as in Darfur.

Yet, as each shower of rain serves to remind, water is just about the most renewable natural resource. The problem is its distribution – not only the climatological patterns that leave some places parched while others flood, but also the way societies manage their water resources.

He says: "There is no question is how to put a fair price on water. In some of the same countries where poor people lack access to clean water, others waste the resource because their supply is subsidised by the government or is otherwise priced so low that they have no incentive to save it.

This is hardly a problem confined to the developing world. Farmers in Spain are estimated to pay a price for water that is only about 2% of its real cost. Rice and wheat farmers in California’s Central Valley use one-fifth of the state’s water, but the low prices they pay represent a yearly subsidy estimated at $416 million for 2006.

“Water is absolutely not fairly priced or realistically priced,” says Peter Brabeck-Letmathe, outgoing chief executive of Nestlé, the foods group.

“Therefore, people are using water as if it is a resource that will be free of charge forever. That is the reason we are running out of water.” He warns of an impending crisis in which businesses will struggle to find the water they need and will be forced to pay much higher prices for it, if more is not done to conserve the resource and distribute it more rationally.

The only answer, argues Brabeck-Letmathe, is to bring market forces to bear. Water must be fairly and realistically priced, in order to ensure it is not wasted. “That is how to move forward,” he says. His company is involved in the issue as part of efforts to present itself as a good citizen in the face of a 30-year-long boycott of its products by consumers who disapprove of Nestlé’s record of promoting powdered baby milk in the developing world. Mixing the infant formula with contaminated water led to numerous deaths that could have been avoided if mothers breast-fed instead, activists allege. The company says it now complies with an international code on marketing such products.
One of the most damaging effects of the failure to price water fairly is the global trade in “virtual water” – that is, water used in the production of food or manufactured goods. Some countries that are poor in water nevertheless send it abroad in the form of agricultural and industrial exports.

Australia exports more “virtual water” than any other country, through shipments of wheat and other crops. Its farmers have suffered a seven-year drought, only now showing signs of easing. As a result, they are the most efficient agricultural users of water in the world. Experts wonder, however, whether it makes sense for such an arid country to engage so much in growing irrigation-intensive crops for export.

The trade in “virtual water” goes largely unnoticed by consumers of the processed goods. But the price of many goods sold around the world shows that the water that went into their production was very cheap. A pair of jeans that sells for a few British pounds uses up to 11,000 litres of water, according to Waterwise, a UK not-for-profit organisation. A hamburger that sells for less than a dollar requires more than 2,400 litres of water to produce.

Agricultural users of water are often heavily subsidised, whether directly or indirectly, making the water for farmers “vastly underpriced”, says Andrew Hudson, leader of the water governance programme at the UNDP. This is contributing to serious problems: the UN organisation estimates that in parts of India, ground-water tables are falling by more than a metre a year, jeopardising future agricultural production.

Other businesses may also have their water supply subsidised or may be granted extraction rights that give them cheap or even free access to water sources. The UNDP concludes: “When it comes to water management, the world has been indulging in an activity analogous to a reckless and unsustainable credit-financed spending spree. Countries have been using far more water than they have, as defined by the rate of replenishment.” This recklessness is storing up problems for the future, when the world’s population is forecast to rise to nine billion by 2050 from nearly 6.7 billion today.

How can water be fairly priced? Many non-governmental organisations want water to be recognised as a basic human right and are suspicious of schemes that raise the price of water. Henry Northover, head of policy at Water瑼id, adds that in some developing countries, poor governance structures hamper attempts to price water: “The success of using pricing as a form of regulating supply is a function of the robustness of institutions and effectiveness of policy regimes.”

Hudson believes that water can be better priced if certain conditions are met first: “You need to have mechanisms that provide for the basic human need of 20 litres of water a day [for drinking, cooking and washing]. For that, governments need to apply subsidies in an appropriate fashion and build local access to water.”

Most governments regulate the price of water but, because of the “perverse subsidies”, that often does not result in sensible water pricing. So Brabeck-Letmathe has an alternative idea: water trading.

He compares the concept to carbon trading, which has put a price on emitting carbon dioxide in Europe. Under a so-called cap-and-trade mechanism, a limit is imposed on how much carbon companies can emit and allows them to trade their quotas with one another. A similar system with water would mean that businesses and farmers would be granted the right to use a certain amount of water. If they want to use more than their quota, they must buy the rights from other companies or farmers in the trading system.

This idea is not new, he says – desert dwellers in Oman have been trading with each other the right to water supplies for thousands of years. More recently, in Nestlé’s native Switzerland, a system has come to exist in some areas where farmers each have a right to take a certain amount from irrigation channels and, depending on the crops they grow, might decide to take less water in return for payment from a neighbour who wants to take more.

Fred Krupp, president of Environmental Defense Fund, a US charity, is an enthusiastic supporter of the idea. He told a meeting at Davos in January: “Appropriately designed and applied, a market-based tool such as cap-and-trade can be just as much a solution to our water crisis as it is for global warming.”

But Jamie Skinner, principal researcher at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), says there are legal and political obstacles to water trading. He points to Spain, where farmers do not own the water and therefore could not trade it without disentangling water rights from land rights, which is tricky. He adds that for water trading to work, “some degree of privatisation of the resource is needed, which has proved politically difficult or distasteful in many contexts”.

Krupp acknowledges that there would be legal and governance problems and vested interests to be overcome – particularly the farming lobby, as agriculture receives the best treatment almost all over the world when it comes to water rights and pays less for its water than any other industry.

He says: “There is no question that we have much to do to ensure that water trading occurs in a way that is cost-effective and prevents undue windfalls. We also need to ensure that water transfers don’t hurt rural communities, low-income populations or the environment. An effective system of cap-and-trade for water will require lots of metering and enforcement.”

But he insists: “Those issues are very manageable and we and others are already working on them.”

Other differences exist that would hamper imposing a cap-and-trade system on water as has been done with carbon. The trade in carbon is virtual: companies swap permits to emit the greenhouse gas rather than transferring actual tonnages of it. But water is heavy and difficult to transport across long distances. “It is not fungible, it is not deliverable,” says Edward Kerschner, chief investment strategist at Citi Global Wealth Management.

The only world shipments of any significance are of bottled water, which is an expensive product often regarded as environmentally unsound. So any trade in water could take place only within small regions, such as areas that share a source. The examples of Switzerland and a few others show that local systems for water trading can be developed, provided the governance is there to ensure that the trading is conducted fairly and there is the political will to press ahead.

Whether water trading catches on or not, Brabeck-Letmathe believes one thing is certain: businesses should brace themselves for more expensive water, the use of which would also be more highly regulated. He says: “We will have to pay more for our water – and it is correct that we should.” Many businesses would prefer a system of water trading to having their charges arbitrarily raised by water companies or bureaucrats, he argues.

As Krupp concludes: “What relevance does all this have to the business community? A secure water future, including healthy river systems, contributes to a healthy business climate. Markets and conservation are the most cost-effective alternatives for getting to that secure water future.”

For the poor who pay disproportionately high amounts for their water, fairer pricing could not come soon enough.


Homepage photo by aheavens
http://www.ft.com/home/ukCopyright The Financial Times Limited 2008
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 楼主| 发表于 2008-7-16 20:23:18 | 显示全部楼层
达累斯萨拉姆的贫民窟居民们长期用小罐买水,1000升水要花8美元;而在同一城市里,那些能接上自来水的较富裕居民的花费却只有区区34美分。在英国,同样多的自来水只需1.62美元,美国更只有68美分。

来自其他国家的数字确认了上述情况,整体来说,要获得水这种最关键
的自然资源,最穷的人们花的钱却最多。世界上缺水人口的比例非常大,有10亿人缺乏清洁用水,有26亿人缺乏卫生条件。据设在伦敦的慈善组织“水援助”统计,每天有大约5千名儿童死于和水相关的疾病。

联合国开发计划署(UNDP)指出,要让缺乏安全饮用水的人口减少一半,只需花费100亿美元,而这却能为世界带来每年380亿美元的经济增长。它还认为,围绕水权利的争议可能导致冲突,比如达尔富尔。

然而,由于每场雨都告诉我们,水实际是可再生性最强的自然资源。问题在于分配,不仅是有地方旱有地方涝的气候性的分布不均,社会分配方面同样不均匀。

问题在于如何制定一个公正的水价。在某些国家,同在一国之内,穷人缺乏清洁用水,另一些人却在浪费水资源,因为他们的供应由政府补贴或者由于价格极低使得他们缺乏节约用水的动力。

这个问题绝非只存在于发展中国家。据估计,西班牙农民所付的水价只有其实际成本的2%;加利福尼亚中央谷地区种植水稻和小麦的农民每年用掉的水占全州的五分之一,但他们低廉的水价背后是每年的补贴,仅2006年一年的补贴就高达约4.16亿美元。

“水的定价绝不公正也不现实,”即将离任的雀巢食品集团总裁彼得·包必达说。“所以人们用起水来就好像这是一种永远免费的资源。这也正是我们的水资源走向枯竭的原因。”他警告说,如果不采取更多措施来节约水资源、进行合理分配的话,一场危机就会迫在眉睫:产业界将争相寻求自己所需的水,而且将被迫付出高得多的水价。

包必达认为,这个问题唯一的答案就是让市场力量来承担。为了保证水不被浪费,必须进行公正而现实的定价。“这就是前进的办法,”包必达说。雀巢公司这么积极地参与这项活动,是为了树立一个好公民形象,要知道由于该公司一直在发展中国家推销婴儿奶粉,反对这种做法的消费者已经对它进行了30年的抵制。抵制者认为,因为这些婴儿配方奶粉里混入了被污染的水,导致无数孩子夭折,而用母乳喂养的话,这些本来是可以避免的。雀巢公司说,现在它将在这些产品的营销上遵守国际法规。

最具危害性的影响之一就是没有对全球贸易中的“虚拟水”进行公正的定价。所谓虚拟水,就是用于粮食或制成品生产的水。一些国家本来就缺水,却还以工农业出口的形式把水送到国外。

通过输出小麦和其它粮食,澳大利亚出口的“虚拟水”比任何国家都要多。该国农民已经遭受了长达七年的干旱,直到现在才刚刚出现缓解的迹象。结果,他们的农业用水效能成了世界上最高的。然而,一个像澳大利亚这么干旱的国家却如此热衷于灌溉密集型粮食的出口,专家们质疑其意义何在。

这些产品的消费者对“虚拟水”的交易几乎毫无知觉,但全世界范围内许多产品的售价却表明其生产中所用的水的价格非常低廉。英国非营利机构“Waterwise”指出,一条售价区区几英镑的牛仔裤要耗费11000升水,而一个不到1美元的汉堡用的水也超过2400升。

UNDP的水管理项目负责人安德鲁·哈德森指出,农业用水户经常得到很多的补贴,有直接的有间接的,使得农民的用水“定价严重过低”。这也造成了严重的问题,UNDP估计印度部分地区的地下水位每年下降超过一米,严重威胁着未来的农业生产。

其他产业可能也有供水补贴,或者拥有开采权,因此可以获得廉价甚至免费的水资源。UNDP的结论说:“在水源管理问题上,全世界肆无忌惮的做法就好像一个不管不顾的败家子。按照补充率来说,每个国家的用水量都远远超出了其储存量。”据预测,世界人口将从如今的约67亿增加到2050年的90亿,这种不管不顾的做法将让这个严峻的未来面临更大的问题。

如何才能对水进行公正的定价?许多非政府组织希望水能够被当作一种基本的人权,并且对那些提高水价的机制表示怀疑。“水援助”组织的政策负责人亨利·诺森佛补充说,在一些发展中国家,落后的管理架构阻碍了为水定价的努力。“成功地利用价格作为调节供应的形式,这就是制度的坚强性和政策体制有效性的功能。”

哈德森相信,如果首先能够实现特定的条件,就能够更好地制定水价:“必须建立机制,保证每人每天20升水的人类基本需求(用于饮用、煮饭和洗涤)。要实现这一点,政府必须通过适当的形式提供补贴,并且建设当地的供水设施。”

许多政府都对水价进行调节,但由于“负面补贴”,这些调节并不总能实现合理的用水定价。因此,包必达提出另外一个设想:水交易。

他把这个概念和碳交易进行了比较。碳交易就是在欧洲对二氧化碳排放进行定价。在一个被称为“限额与交易”的机制下,企业能排放多少碳都有一个限度,同时允许其互相进行配额交易。在水方面可以建立一个类似的系统,这意味着企业和农民们都被赋予一定量的用水权利,如果他们想要使用超过配额的水,就必须在交易系统中从其它企业或者农民那里购买权利。

包必达说,这个观念其实并不新奇,早在几千年前阿曼的沙漠居民们就开始相互进行供水权的交易了。更近的例子则是在雀巢公司的母国瑞士,那里的某些地区已经形成了一个体系,每个农民都有权利从灌溉渠道中获取一定量的水,依据所种庄稼的不同,他们可以少用一些水,从那些想要多用水的邻居那里换取报酬。

美国环保协会主席弗莱德·克虏伯是这一观念的狂热拥护者。一月份他在达沃斯的一次会议上说:“只要经过正确的设计和实施,一个诸如限额与交易的基于市场的工具可以很好地解决的我们的水危机,就像对全球变暖一样有效。”

但国际环境与发展研究所(IIED)主任研究员杰米·斯金纳说水交易存在法律和政治上的障碍。他举了西班牙的例子,那里的农民对水没有所有权,因此只要水权没有和地权脱钩,就无法进行交易,而二者的脱钩是很微妙的。他还说,如果想要实现水交易,“一定程度的水资源私有化是必需的,但这在很多背景下都存在政治上的困难或者不快。”

克虏伯承认水交易必须克服大量的法律和管理问题、既得利益的阻碍,尤其是农业游说集团。几乎在全世界,农业在用水权上的待遇都是最好的,所付的水费也比其他任何产业都少,这就是原因所在。

他说:“毫无疑问,要保证水交易通过一种划算的方式得到实现,并且防止不正当收益,我们还要做很多事情。我们还必须保证水的转让不伤害农村社区、低收入人群以及环境。要实现一个有效的水限额和交易机制,必须进行大量的计量和执行工作。”

但克虏伯坚称:“那些事情都是可以控制的,我们和其他人已经开始着手处理它们了。”

另外一些区别会阻碍水的限额和交易体系像碳的那样落实。碳交易是虚拟的,企业之间交换的只是温室气体的排放许可,而不是真的转让成吨的实体碳。但是水很重而且很难远距离运输。“水不可替代,而且不能运输。”花旗银行全球理财的首席投资战略家爱德华·克施纳说。”

世界上唯一的水运输就是瓶装水,这种昂贵的产品经常被认为对环境不利。因此,水交易只能发生在小片地区范围内,比如分享水源的地区。从瑞士和少数其他例子可以看出,水交易的地方系统是可以改进的,只要有管理能够保证交易的公正实施,并且有政治意志来推动其前进。

无论水交易是否能够实现,包必达相信有一件事是确定的:产业界应该准备好支付高得多的水价,而用水也将更加高度规范化。他说:“我们将不得不支付更多水费,这是正确的,我们也应该这么做。”他认为,许多企业更喜欢水交易体系,而不是让自来水公司或管理局肆意提高水价。

正如克虏伯总结的:“这些与产业界又有什么关系呢?一个包括健康河流系统在内的安全的水未来,有助于营造一个健康的产业气候。要实现这个安全的水未来,市场和保护是最划算的方式。”

然而,对那些支付着不成比例的高水费的穷人来说,更公正的定价不会那么早到来。





来源:http://www.ft.com/home/uk

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发表于 2008-7-16 23:44:45 | 显示全部楼层
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